Park Chung Hee Era
Page 104
For Lee Kuan Yew and Singapore, see Lee Kuan Yew, The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (Prentice Hall, 1998); Lee Kuan Yew, From Third World to First: The Singapore Story: 1965–2000 (Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings, 2000); Kernial Singh Sandhu and Paul Wheatley, eds., Management of Success: The Moulding of Modern Singapore (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1989).
For Deng Xiaoping and China see Deng Maomao [Deng Rong], Deng Xiaoping: My Father (New York: Basic Books, 1995); Deng Rong, Deng Xiaoping and the Cultural Revolution: A Daughter Recalls the Critical Years (Foreign Language Press, 2002); Richard Evans, Deng Xiaoping and the Making of Modern China (Penguin Books, 1993); Benjamin Yang, Deng: A Political Biography (M. E. Sharpe, 1998); and Richard Baum, Burying Mao: Chinese Politics in the Era of Deng Xiaoping (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994). I have also drawn on my own interviews on Deng and his era.
Notes to Pages 517–543
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For Park Chung Hee and South Korea, see the chapters in this book and the references they cite.
I am indebted to the book contributors and especially to Ozkul Akin, Ed Baker, Vin Brandt, Byung-Kook Kim, Dick Samuels, and Nur Yalmon, who carefully read and commented on my manuscript.
2. Deng Maomao, Deng Xiaoping: My Father, 40–41.
3. Ibid., 42–51.
4. Ibid., 59–60, 99.
5. I am indebted to Hyung-A Kim and her manuscript “Who Was Park Chung Hee” for providing the background on which the above comments draw.
6. Lee Kuan Yew, The Singapore Story, 113–114.
7. Ibid., 146–176.
8. Ibid., 137–145, 177–193.
9. Ibid., 73, 104–109.
10. Deng Maomao, Deng Xiaoping, My Father, 75–103.
11. Lord Kinross, Atatürk, 54.
12. Lee Kuan Yew, The Singapore Story, 306.
13. Lee Kuan Yew, From Third World, 119.
19. Reflections on a Reverse Image: South Korea under Park Chung Hee and the Philippines under Ferdinand Marcos Sincere thanks to Ezra Vogel for bringing me into this project, and to both him and Byung-Kook Kim for their very helpful support and suggestions as I have developed the comparative analysis in this chapter. I am also indebted to the participants in the August 2000 conference, where contributors to this volume first presented their papers. I enjoyed my often-lengthy discussions, both during and after the conference, with Seung-Mi Han, Hyug Baeg Im, Hoon Jaung, Joo-Hong Kim, Yong-Jick Kim, Min Yong Lee, Young Jo Lee, Chung-in Moon, Wookhee Shin, David I. Steinberg, and Meredith Woo-Cumings. Their many insights were enormously beneficial to a scholar who had no previous academic background in Korean history or politics, and I am grateful to them for assisting and tutoring me. Valuable comments on earlier drafts were provided by Patricio Abinales, Jorge Domínguez, Sung Chull Kim, Kevin McGahan, Aloysius M. O’Neill, Rigoberto Tiglao, and Meredith Woo-Cumings. Any errors, of course, are mine alone.
1. Carter J. Eckert, Ki-baik Lee, Young Ick Lew, Michael Robinson, and Edward W. Wagner, Korea Old and New: A History (Seoul: Iljogak, 1990, for the Harvard University Korea Institute), 372; interview, Adrian Cristobal, former special assistant (to President Marcos) for special studies, June 19, 1989; BBC,
“Suharto tops corruption rankings,” March 25, 2004, at http://news.bbc.co
.uk/2/hi/3567745.stm.
2. The structural preconditions examined here are in the realms of administration and state-society relations. Beyond the scope of this analysis is an additional precondition in the economic realm that would generally be seen as highly disadvantageous to the country’s developmental prospects, namely South Korea’s relative lack of natural resources. All the more impressive, therefore, is Park’s ability to shape a successful strategy of rapid economic development around the basic precondition of resource scarcity.
Notes to Pages 544–547
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3. Hagen Koo, “Strong State and Contentious Society,” in Koo, ed., State and Society in Contemporary Korea (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), 232; Carter J. Eckert, “The South Korean Bourgeoisie: A Class in Search of Hegemony,” in Koo, State and Society, 96.
4. Koo, “Strong State and Contentious Society,” in Koo, State and Society, 235.
5. Onofre D. Corpuz, The Bureaucracy in the Philippines (Manila: University of the Philippines Institute of Public Administration, 1957), 118–122; Peter W. Stanley, A Nation in the Making: The Philippines and the United States, 1899–1921 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), 10–
11, 38.
6. James Francis Warren, The Sulu Zone, 1768–1898 (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1985), 121–123, 253–255. Late nineteenth-century Spanish attempts at enforcing the political unity of the Philippine archipelago came a full millennium after the political unification of the Korean Peninsula under Wang Kôn. See Bruce Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun (New York: W. W. Norton, 1997), 39–40. It is also worth noting that the Chosôn dynasty (dating to 1392) was almost two centuries older than the Spanish colonial state in the Philippines.
7. Harold Crouch, Economic Change, Social Structure, and the Political System in Southeast Asia: Philippine Development Compared with the Other ASEAN
Countries (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985), 10.
8. Jung-en Woo, Race to the Swift: State and Finance in Korean Industrialization (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 19–42. This book provides an enormously rich analysis of the interplay of many factors, from colonial foundations to postwar geopolitics, and through it I received my first—and most enduring—introduction to Korean political economy.
9. Koo, “Strong State and Contentious Society,” in Koo, State and Society, 234.
10. The following draws on Paul D. Hutchcroft, “Colonial Masters, National Politicos, Provincial Lords: Central Authority and Local Autonomy in the American Philippines, 1900–1913,” Journal of Asian Studies 59, no. 2 (2000): 277–
306.
11. Quoted in David Joel Steinberg, ed., In Search of Southeast Asia: A Modern History (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 277.
12. Benedict Anderson, “Cacique Democracy and the Philippines: Origins and Dreams,” New Left Review, no. 169 (1988): 11–12 (quote at 11).
13. See Hutchcroft, “Colonial Masters,” 294–299. On land and land-grabbing, see Leonard F. Gesick, History of American Economic Policy in the Philippines during the American Colonial Period, 1900–1935 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1987), 178–230.
14. Alfred W. McCoy, “Quezon’s Commonwealth: The Emergence of Philippine Authoritarianism,” in Philippine Colonial Democracy, ed. Ruby R. Paredes, Yale University Southeast Asia Studies Monograph no. 32 (New Haven: Yale University, 1989), 115–116; on Quezon’s rise, see Michael Cullinane, Ilus-trado Politics: Filipino Elite Responses to American Rule, 1898–1908
(Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2003), 176–194.
15. Koo, “Strong State and Contentious Society,” in Koo, State and Society, 237–
238.
Notes to Pages 547–551
720
16. Eckert et al., Korea Old and New, 341–342; Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 215–216, quote at 215.
17. Stephen Rosskamm Shalom, The United States and the Philippines: A Study of Neocolonialism (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1986), 1–69; Benedict J. Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1977), 143–
202.
18. Frank H. Golay, The Philippines: Public Policy and National Economic Development (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1961), 71–72, 80.
19. Shalom, The United States and the Philippines, 86–93.
20. Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion, 238.
21. Shalom, The United States and the Philippines, 84–85; David Joel Steinberg, The Philippines: A Singular and a Plural Place, 4th ed. (Boulder: Westview Press, 2000), 26.
22. Koo, “Strong State and Contentious S
ociety,” in Koo, State and Society, 240.
23. Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 270, 302, quote at 270.
24. Jang Jip Choi, “Political Cleavages in South Korea,” in Koo, State and Society, 22.
25. On the “establishment and institutionalization of the anti-leftist State,” see Chang Hun Oh, “A Study of the Dynamics of an Authoritarian Regime: The Case of the Yushin System under Park Chung Hee, 1972–1979” (Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 1991), 61–62.
26. Woo, Race to the Swift, 43–69; see also Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 306–307. In Woo’s vivid terms, one finds at this point “a capitalism without the capitalist class. . . . [W]hat powerful group exists today in Korea, mostly the chaebôl, had to be built by the state” (p. 14).
27. Eckert et al., Korea Old and New, 351; see also Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 341. As Byung-Kook Kim explains, the yangban class was “destroyed by a triple shock of Japanese colonial rule, land reform, and civil war.” See Byung-Kook Kim, “The Leviathan: Economic Bureaucracy under Park Chung Hee,” a paper presented at the Conference on the Park Chung Hee Era, August 2000, Seoul, Korea.
28. This discussion draws on Hutchcroft, Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking in the Philippines (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 71–77.
The Marcos incident is reported in Sterling Seagrave, The Marcos Dynasty (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 162; a similar story is found in Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos I (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1986 [1976]), 262.
29. Golay, The Philippines, 141, 163–164, 239; Laurence Davis Stifel, The Textile Industry: A Case Study of Industrial Development in the Philippines, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, Data Paper no. 49 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1963), 70, 74, 80.
30. Woo, Race to the Swift, 71–72.
31. As Jung-en Woo explains, “it was a crime to have indulged in the political economy of the Rhee era.” Race to the Swift, 83.
32. See Stephan Haggard, Byung-Kook Kim, and Chung-In Moon, “The Transi-
Notes to Pages 551–554
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tion to Export-led Growth in South Korea, 1954–1966,” Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 4 (1991): 850–873, at 858–859.
33. On “The Rules of Pre-Martial Law Philippine Politics,” see Mark R. Thompson, The Anti-Marcos Struggle: Personalistic Rule and Democratic Transition in the Philippines (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 15–32.
34. Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), 50.
35. David Joel Steinberg, The Philippines, 115–117; Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator, 11–17. On the Marcos medals, see Alfred W. McCoy, Closer than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 159–180.
36. See Chapter 5 above.
37. The First Lady loved to entertain foreign dignitaries, and at one 1966 gathering in Manila she sang and danced for a group of leaders that included Lyndon B. Johnson and Park Chung Hee. Her orchestra, meanwhile, played “Deep in the Heart of Texas” and “Arilang.” Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator, 51, 61.
38. Woo, Race to the Swift, 81.
39. As Kim Hyung-A concludes, “Park was found to have amassed very little personal wealth of any significance” in his eighteen years in power; since his death, moreover, “there is no new evidence that challenges Park’s financial probity.” Kim, Korea’s Development under Park Chung Hee: Rapid Industrialization, 1961–79 (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), 192. The only reference I have found linking Park to corrupt behavior comes from David C.
Kang, who notes in passing that “after Park’s death, half a million dollars was found in his personal safe.” See Kang, Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 104. Given the highly liquid form of these assets, however, it is not clear whether this cash was part of a personal fortune or just a cache of money used to pay off regime stalwarts and opposition politicians. More damning would be revelations that Park demanded a share in the chaebol that he nurtured throughout his presidency, or stashed away huge sums (à la Marcos and Mobutu) in foreign bank accounts and real estate.
40. Thompson, Anti-Marcos Struggle, 34–35.
41. Petronilo Bn. Daroy, “On the Eve of Dictatorship and Revolution,” in Dictatorship and Revolution: Roots of People’s Power, ed. Aurora Javate-de Dios, Petronilo Bn. Daroy, and Lorna Kalaw-Tirol (Metro Manila: Conspectus, 1988), 15–16; Belinda A. Aquino, Politics of Plunder: The Philippines under Marcos, 2nd ed. (Quezon City: Kadena Press, 1999), 20–25.
42. Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator, 75; McCoy, Closer than Brothers, 29.
43. Thompson, Anti-Marcos Struggle, 36–37; Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator, 76–77; McCoy, Closer than Brothers, 29; Jose Veloso Abueva, “The Philippines: Tradition and Change,” Asian Survey 10, no. 1 (1970): 56–64, at 62.
44. See Chapter 5 above.
45. John Kie-chiang Oh, Korean Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 52–53; Chapters 5 and 7, above.
46. See Chapters 4 and 7 above.
Notes to Pages 554–561
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47. See Chapter 6 above.
48. Carolina G. Hernandez, “The Role of the Military in Contemporary Philippine Society,” Diliman Review 32, no. 1 (1984): 1, 16–23, at 18–19; Hutchcroft, Booty Capitalism, 90–102.
49. See Woo, Race to the Swift, 84, 101–117. The term “asymmetric political exchange” is inspired by the analysis of Byung-Kook Kim. See Chapter 7 and Chapter 9.
50. Woo, Race to the Swift, 84; Hutchcroft, Booty Capitalism, 84–90.
51. Woo, Race to the Swift, 85–117, 130, quote at 109; Park quote is from Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 299; Byung-Kook Kim, Chapter 7.
52. See Hutchcroft, Booty Capitalism, 82–84.
53. Sunhyuk Kim, The Politics of Democratization in Korea: The Role of Civil Society (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000), 55–56; C. I. Eugene Kim, “The Meaning of the 1971 Korean Elections: A Pattern of Political Development,” Asian Survey 12, no. 3 (1972): 216; Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 361; David I. Steinberg, The Republic of Korea: Economic Transformation and Social Change (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988), 57.
54. Joel Rocamora, Breaking Through: The Struggle within the Communist Party of the Philippines (Metro Manila: Anvil Publishing, 1994), 11–13; David Wurfel, Filipino Politics: Development and Decay (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 107; Hutchcroft, Booty Capitalism, 111–112.
55. Wurfel, Filipino Politics, 106–112.
56. Thompson, Anti-Marcos Struggle, 43–44; for evidence linking the Communist Party to the bombing, see Gregg Jones, Red Revolution: Inside the Philippine Guerrilla Movement (Boulder: Westview Press, 1989), 59–69.
57. Steinberg , The Republic of Korea, 57.
58. See Mijares, Conjugal Dictatorship, 160; McCoy, Closer than Brothers, 192.
59. Chang Hun Oh, “The Yushin System under Park Chung Hee,” 21–28. See also Chapters 4, 7, and 8 as well as In-sub Mah, “Rule by Emergency Powers,” a paper presented at the Conference on the Park Chung Hee Era, August 2000, Seoul, Korea.
60. Rigoberto Tiglao, “The Consolidation of the Dictatorship,” in Dictatorship and Revolution: Roots of People’s Power, ed. Aurora Javate-de Dios, Petronilo Bn. Daroy, and Lorna Kalaw-Tirol (Metro Manila: Conspectus Foundation Incorporated, 1988), 26; Abueva, “Ideology and Practice,” 34.
61. Thompson, Anti-Marcos Struggle, 60.
62. Anderson, “Cacique Democracy and the Philippines,” 21; Wurfel, Filipino Politics, 191. Raymond Bonner’s Waltzing with a Dictator gives a very good sense of how the Marcoses were adept at maneuvering in Washington circles.
Fortunately for Marcos, Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger had proven to be frequent supporters of dictatorships worldwide, and exhibited no problems accepting Marcos’s arguments in favor of emerg
ency rule.
63. Tiglao, “The Consolidation of the Dictatorship,” 38.
64. Thompson, Anti-Marcos Struggle, 60–61; Wurfel, Filipino Politics, 114–117.
65. Hoon Jaung, “The Abortive Modernization Experiment of Party Politics: The
Notes to Pages 562–565
723
Failure of Democratic Republican Party,” a paper presented at the Conference on the Park Chung Hee Era, August 2000, Seoul, Korea, 40.
66. Thompson, Anti-Marcos Struggle, 44, 60, 61; Wurfel, Filipino Politics, 130–
131, 237.
67. Alfred W. McCoy, ed., An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines (Madison: University of Wisconsin-Madison Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1993).
68. The term comes from the title of a book written by a former Marcos aide, Primitivo Mijares ( Conjugal Dictatorship, cited above).
69. Aquino, Politics of Plunder, 88; Thompson, Anti-Marcos Struggle, 76–78.
70. Wurfel, Filipino Politics, 135; Abueva, “Ideology and Practice,” 52; Robert B.
Stauffer, “The Political Economy of Refeudalization,” in Marcos and Martial Law in the Philippines, ed. David A. Rosenberg (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1979), 200; interview, Carmensita T. Abella, Vice President of DAP, August 28, 1986.
71. Anderson, “Cacique Democracy and the Philippines,” 20.
72. Whatever the precise origins of her power, there is no question that at some point after 1972 she was able to establish a relatively autonomous power base within the regime. According to a former Marcos advisor, Imelda could threaten Marcos with an exposure, or a “big public divorce, and Marcos never wanted to call her bluff.” Interview, Adrian Cristobal, June 19, 1989.
Wurfel describes it as a relationship of “mutual blackmail” ( Filipino Politics, 241).
73. Paul D. Hutchcroft, “Oligarchs and Cronies in the Philippine State: The Politics of Patrimonial Plunder,” World Politics 43, no. 1 (April 1991): 414–450, at 436; biography of Madame Imelda Romualdez Marcos, Office of Media Affairs, 1984; Thompson, Anti-Marcos Struggle, quote at 52. The First Lady’s prominent roles caused considerable dissension within the regime, as many technocrats, as well as many among the relatively more professionalized elements of the military, resented her ability to influence key policies and appointments.