Raul Hilberg
Page 29
Jews to enter the woods at Prague.1* By a decree of September 1, 1941
(a fundamental measure, to be discussed later in full), Jews were forbidden to leave the boundary of their residential districts without carrying written permission of the local police authority. (Jews in mixed 42 43 44 45 46 47 48
42. Völkischer Beobachter, December5, 1938, PS-2682.
43. Uwe Adam. Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich (Düsseldorf, 1972), pp. 213, 244.
44. Instructions by the Reich Press Chief (Brammer Material), September 15, 1939,
NG-4697.
45. RGBl I, 1676.
46. Decree of December 3, 1938; text in Institute of Jewish Affairs, Hitler’s Ten-
Year War (New York, 1943), pp. 22-23.
47. Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt (Prague), November 8, 1940.
48. Ibid, July 25, 1941.
172
THE REICH-PROTEKTORAT AREA
marriages were exempted from this restriction.)" The ghetto began to
take shape.
Movement within the cities was regulated still more by orders concerning the use of city transportation by Jews. In Prague the police president forbade to Jews the use of trolleys and buses in his decree of
December
12,
1941.“
In
the
Reich
area,
including
Austria,
the
Transport Ministry ruled on September 18, 1941, that Jews could no
longer use city transportation during rush hours, and that at other
times they were to take seats only when no Germans were standing.”
On March 24, 1942, Security Police Chief Heydrich, in agreement
with the Transport Ministry and the Postal Ministry, issued an order
that sharply restricted the right of Jews to use public transportation,
including subways, street cars, and buses. Henceforth the Jews required police permits (issued by the local Order Police) for use of any such transportation. Permits were to be granted to workers if they
could prove that the distance from home to their place of work was
seven kilometers (a little over four miles) or one hour. Sick persons or
disabled workers could obtain permits for relatively shorter distances.
School children were to be given a permit provided that their distance
was at least five kilometers (over three miles) or one hour each way.
Lawyers and doctors (Konsulenten and Krankenbehandler) could obtain a permit for any distance.49 50 51 52 53 *
Communications were cut still more by withdrawal of the right to
use telephones. In 1941 private telephones were ripped out of Jewish
apartments. This measure was followed by a prohibition to use public
telephones except for conversations with Aryans. Finally, this permission was withdrawn, and all telephone booths were marked with signs reading “Use by Jews prohibited.”55
These elaborate restrictions were reinforced by an elaborate system of identifications. The first element in this system concerned personal documents. Identification papers are an important ingredient of 49. RGBI 1.547.
50. Jüdisches Nachrichtenblau (Prague). December 12, 1941.
51. “Benutzung der Verkehrsmittel durch Juden,” Die Judenfrage (Vertrauliche
Beilage), December 10. 1941, pp. 78-79.
52. Regierungsprasident/Fühmngsstab Wirtschaft in Wiesbaden to Chambers of
Commerce in area. May 12, 1942, enclosing Heydrich directive of March 24.1942, L-167.
Jüdisches Nachrichtenblau (Berlin), April 17, 1942.
53. Propaganda Ministry (signed Wächter and Bemdt) to all Gauleiter, Chiefs of
Propaganda Offices, and Propaganda Chiefs with Gauleiter, undated, probably end of
1941, G-44, Mimeographed notice of Vorstand of Jüdische Kultusgemeinde (Berlin),
November 14, 1941, G-229. Jüdisches Nachrichtenblalt (Prague), February 13, 1942. Die
Judenfrage (Vertrauliche Beilage), March 1, 1943, pp. 17-29.
173
CONCENTRATION
any police state system. In the case of Jews, the document requirements were especially stringent. Files at the University of Freiburg reveal that as early as 1933, non-Aryan students had to exchange their
regular brown identification cards for yellow ones." Five years later, on
July 23, 1938, a decree prepared by the Interior and Justice Ministries
required all Jews of German nationality to apply (stating that they were
Jews) for identification cards.” The cards had to be asked for by December 31, 1938. Jews over fifteen years of age had to carry their cards with them at all times. In dealings with party or ministerial offices,
Jews were to indicate that they were Jews and were to show their cards
without being asked to do so.
Jews who were about to emigrate also had to obtain passports. At
first, nothing in a passport indicated whether the bearer was a Jew.
Apparently, no one thought of making any changes in passports issued to
Jews or held by Jews until action was initiated by officials of a foreign
country. That country was Switzerland. After the Austrian Anschluss,
many Jews had taken advantage of a German-Swiss agreement for the
abolition of the visa requirement to cross into Switzerland. On June 24,
1938, the chief of the Federal Swiss Police, Heinrich Rothmund, protested to the German legation in Bern against what he called the “inundation” (Uberflutung) of Switzerland by Viennese Jews, for whom, he said, the Swiss had no more use than Germany did.”
On August 10 the Swiss Minister in Berlin looked up the chief of
the Political Division of the German Foreign Office to tell him that the
flow of Jews to Switzerland had reached “extraordinary proportions.”
In one day forty-seven Jews had arrived in Basel alone. The Swiss
government
was
decidedly
against
the
“Judaification”
(Verjudung)
of
the country, which is something the Germans could understand. Under
the circumstances, the Swiss were now considering the reimposition of
visa controls.” On August 31, Bern denounced the visa agreement.
Three days later, however, the Swiss police chief (Rothmund) informed
the German Minister in Bern that he was ready to compromise. The
Swiss government would be willing to restrict its visa requirement to
German Jews if the passports would indicate clearly that their holders
were Jews. This condition was accepted after some haggling about
“reciprocity” (i.e., visa requirements for Swiss Jews, which the Swiss
were reluctant to accept).5* On September 26, Rothmund went to Ber-
$4. Olenhusen, “Die 'nichtarischen' Sludenten,” Vienefjakrsheftt 14:185.
55. RGB! 1.922.
56. Akten zur Deutschen Auswirtigen Poliiik 1918-1945, Ser. D, Vol. V, Document
642 (footnote).
57. Memorandum by WOrmann (Chief, Political Division in Foreign Office), August
10, 1938. Akltn, Ser. D, Vol. V, Doc. 642.
58. Akten, Ser. D, Vol. V, Doc. 643 (footnote).
174
THE REICH-PROTEKTORAT AREA
lin. On September 29 a treaty was signed providing that the Reich
would undertake to mark all passports of its Jews (whether traveling to
Switzerland or not) with a sign identifying the bearers as Jews.” A few
days after this agreement had been negotiated, a passport decree was
drafted.
The decree, dated October 5, 1938,“ and signed by the head of the
administrativ
e office of the Security Police, Ministerialdirigent Best,61
provided that all German passports held by Jews be stamped with a
large, red J. In a letter to Vortragender Legationsrat Rödiger of the
Legal Division of the Foreign Office, dated October 5, 1938,“ Best
requested that passports of Jews residing abroad be stamped whenever
the documents were presented to consulates or missions for renewal or
some other purpose, and that lists be made of Jews abroad who did not
respond to invitations to have their passports stamped.
On October 11, Rödiger wrote to the German diplomatic and consular representatives abroad,“ repeating and elaborating on these requests.
Specifically,
invitations
were
to
be
issued
to
holders
of
passports valid for over six months, other Jews were to have their
passports stamped only when they presented them, no charge was to
be made for the entry, and so on. These instructions have significance
because they extended the identification system to tens of thousands of
emigrated Jews in countries later occupied by the Germans.
The document stamping did not stop with passports. We have seen
that on March 11, 1940, the Food and Agriculture Ministry directed
that
ration
cards
belonging
to
Jews
be
marked
with
a
J
for
identification.“ On September 18, 1942, Staatssekretär Riecke of the
59. Ministerialrat Krause {passport official, Security Police) to Foreign Office, attention Vortragender Legationsrat Rödiger, October 3, 1938, enclosing text of German-Swiss agreement. Akten, Ser. D, Vol. V, Doc. 643 (with footnotes). The agreement was
signed by Dr. Best, Krause, Kröning, and Rödiger for the German side, and by Rothmund and Kappeler for the Swiss. The Swiss Bundesrat approved the agreement on October 4, 1938. Ratifications were exchanged on November 11. Under the agreement
the German government reserved the right to impose visa requirements on Swiss Jews.
in the passport matter, see also Alfred A. Häsler. The Lifeboat Is Full (New York, 1969),
pp. 30-53.
60. RGBl I, 1342.
61. Competence to make regulations concerning passports, police control, registration, and identification was given to the Interior Ministry by the decree of May 11, 1937, signed by Hitler, Frick, Staatssekretär von Mackensen (Foreign Office), Staatssekretär
Reinhardt (Finance Ministry), and Staatssekretär Schlegelberger (Justice Ministry)
RGBl l, 589.
62. Best to Rödiger, October 5, 1938 NG-3366.
63. Rödiger to missions and consulates abroad, October 11. 1938. NG-3366.
64. Nartentofood offices, March 11, 1940, Nl-14581.
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CONCENTRATION
Food and Agriculture Ministry ordered that ration cards issued to Jews
be marked obliquely and throughout with the word Jude.6*
The second part of the identification system consisted of the assignment of Jewish names. This process was already begun in 1932, when restrictions were placed on name changes. To be sure, that internal directive was limited in scope, and for the next few years a number of proposals came to the Interior Ministry from party members who
were interested in the subject of names. In March 1933, Staatssekretär
Bang of the Economy Ministry suggested to Lammers a revocation of
name changes granted since November 1918.“ In June 1936, Himmler
informed Pfundtner that the Führer did not want Jews to carry the
names Siegfried and Thusnelda.6’ On January 5, 1938, one measure was
put into effect. The decree of that date“ provided that name changes
granted before January 30, 1933, could be revoked.
The revocation order was followed by the decree of August 17,
1938,65 66 67 68 69 70 drafted by Ministerialrat Globke, name expert of the Interior
Ministry, and signed by Staatssekretär Stuckart and Justice Minister
Gürtner. This decree stipulated that Jewish men had to add to their
regular first name the middle name Israel, and Jewish women the name
Sara, unless they already had a first name included in an approved list
of the Interior Ministry. The approved list—which, incidentally, had to
be used for the naming of newly born children—was also drawn up by
the expert Globke.™
In compiling the list, Globke necessarily had to omit Hebrew
names that in the popular mind (Volksbewusstein) were no longer regarded as alien first names, because they had been completely Germanized (eingedeutscht).
Hence
he
omitted
such
names
as
Adam,
Daniel, David, Michael, and Raphael for men, and Anna, Debora,
Esther, Eva, and Ruth for women. Instead, he supplied (for boys)
Faleg,
Feibisch,
Feisel,
Feitel,
Feiwel,
and
Feleg,
plus
(for
girls)
Scharne,
Scheindel,
Scheine,
Schewa,
Schlämche,
Semche,
Simche,
Slowe, and Sprinzi, as well as many other distortions and figments of
the imagination. The name changes and new names had to be recorded
in birth and marriage certificates by the local Order Police. The new
65. Riecke to food offices. September 18, 1942, NG-1292.
66. Bang to Lammers, March 6, 1933, NG-902.
67. Oberstes Gericht der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, Urteil gegen Hans
Globke (Berlin, 1963), p. 15.
68. RGBl 1,9.
69. RGBl I, 1044. Authorship of the decree is stated by Lösenerin his affidavit of
February 24, 1948, NG-1944-A.
70. Affidavit by Losener, February 24, 1948, NG-1944-A. The complete list is in the
decree of August 18, 1938, Ministerial-Blatt des Reichs- und Preussischen Ministeriums
des Innern, 1938, p. 1346.
176
THE REICH-PROTEKTORAT AREA
designations henceforth appeared not only in personal documents of
Jews but also in court records and all official correspondence dealing
with individually named Jews.
The third component of the identification system was the outward
marking of persons and apartments. Outward marking was designed to
set off visually the Jews from the rest of the population. An indirect
marking process had already started in the mid-1930s. It was customary in Germany, especially in the big cities, to hoist the red-white-black flag from the windows on holidays (more ardent Nazis put color pictures of Hitler in their windows), to wear Nazi insignia and swastika armbands, and to give the “German salute”: the deutscher Grass (outstretched arm and “Heil Hitler”). All these manifestations of membership in the German community were successively denied to Jews. The Blood and Honor Law71 72 73 74 75 prohibited Jews from displaying the Reich
colors and expressly permitted them to display the Zionist blue-white-
blue flag. The decree of November 14, 1935 ,n regulated the use of
insignia, medals, titles, and so on. Finally, a ruling of the Justice Ministry, dated November 4,1937,” deprived those Jews who were prone to give the “German salute” of a chance to hide their
identity.
Direct marking was first proposed by Heydrich in the conference
of November 12, 1938. As Heydrich outlined his proposal, chairman
Goring, who was not only Germany’s first industrialist but also its first
designer of uniforms, suggested hopefully: “A uniform?” Not to be
deterred,
Heydrich
answered:
“An
insignia.’”4
However,
Hitler
opposed the marking of the Jews at that time, and Goring disclosed the
decision at the Gauleiter conference of December 6, 1938.”
The marking of the Jews was first applied in Poland, where, it was
felt, the Hitler prohibition was not in force. It is characteristic of the
development of the destruction process that in spite of the veto by the
highest authority of the Reich, recurrent suggestions for introducing
the measure in Greater Germany were circulated in the ministerial
offices of the bureaucracy. On July 30, 1941, Staatssekretär and SS-
Gruppenführer
Karl
Hermann
Frank
of
the
Protektorat
administration
in Prague urgently requested in a letter to Lammers that he be permitted to mark the Jews in Bohemia-Moravia.” Lammers forwarded 71. September IS, 1935, RGB11, 1146.
72. RGB1 1, 1341.
73. Deutsche Justiz, 1937, p. 1760.
74. Minutes of conference of November 12, 1938, PS-1816.
75. Stuckart lo Lammers. August 14, 1941, NG-llll.The reason for Hitler's opposition is something of a mystery. Hitler probably objected to the marking on aesthetic grounds.
177
CONCENTRATION
the request to the Interior Ministry.” Stuckart replied on August 14,
1941, raising the question whether the decree could be applied to the
entire Reich-Protektorat area. However, he wanted first to have the
opinion of the Foreign Office and of the Labor Ministry.”
On August 20, 1941, the Propaganda Ministry seized the initiative
and requested Hitler to change his mind. Hitler agreed.” Having scored
this success, the Propaganda Ministry circulated the news and invited
the interested ministries to a conference,“ which was held under the
charimanship
of
Staatssekretär
Gutterer