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  The initial concentrations were effected by the mobile units themselves. These ghettoizations were by-products of the killing operations in the sense that the Security Police were forced to defer the complete

  annihilation of certain communities, either because they were too large

  to be wiped out in one blow or (as Einsatzgruppe C explained the

  situation) because “it could not be avoided, for reasons of a considerable skilled labor shortage, that Jewish workers who are needed for urgent reconstruction work, etc., be permitted to live temporarily

  [wobei es sich nicht vermeiden Hess, aus Gründen des erheblichen

  Facharbeitermangels jüdische Handwerker, die zur Vornahme dringender

  Instandsetzungsarbeiten

  usw.

  gebraucht

  werden,

  vorerst

  noch

  am

  Leben zu lassen].”* Within a short time, therefore, the Einsatzgruppen,

  Higher SS and Police Leaders, and units of the BdS Kraköw introduced

  marking

  and

  appointed

  Jewish

  councils.’

  These

  measures

  were sometimes supplemented by registration, a task performed by the

  newly organized councils.6 With the help of registration lists, the Einsatzgruppen put labor columns at the disposal of the army and the 4. RSHA IV-A-I, Operational Report USSR No. 135 (60 copies), November 19,

  1941, NO-2832. Labor considerations prevailed also in the sector of Einsatzgruppe B.

  RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 94 (48 copies), September 25, 1941, NO-

  3146. In the Ukraine, Einsatzgruppe C discovered Jewish collective farms ikolkhozy).

  The Einsatzgruppe considered the Jewish kolkhozy workers to be unintelligent twenig

  intelligent); therefore it "contented itself" with the shooting of the Jewish directors (who

  were replaced by Ukrainians). The remainder of the Jewish labor force on the farms was

  permitted to make a contribution to the harvest. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report

  USSR No. 81 (48 copies), September 12, 1941, NO-3154.

  5. RSHA Summary Report No. I, covering June22-July 31,1941, NO-2651. RSHA

  Summary Report No. 3 (80 copies), covering August 15-31, 1941, NO-2653. RSHA IV-

  A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 91, September 22, 1941, NO-3142, and other operational reports.

  6. Report by Sonderkommando 11a (signed Stubaf. Zapp), covering August 18-31,

  1941, NO-2066; OhlendorfviaGmeiner to 11th Army Ic/AO, September 8,1941, NOKW-

  3234.

  343

  MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS

  Organisation Todt.’ In almost all large cities and many smaller ones, the

  mobile killing units wedged the Jewish population into closed districts.

  The

  Polish-type

  ghetto

  thus

  made

  its

  appearance

  in

  the

  occupied

  USSR.

  One of the first ghettos was established in the Lithuanian capital of

  Kaunas. To obtain the maximum cooperation of the local Jewish community, a committee of prominent Jews was summoned by the Einsatzgruppe to be informed, probably by Stahlecker himself, that the entire Jewish population of the city would have to move into the

  Viliampole quarter, a relatively small district of old wooden buildings

  without water mains or sewers, hemmed in by two rivers. When the

  Jewish representatives tried to plead with the SS to desist from the

  action, they were told that the establishment of a ghetto was the only

  way to prevent new pogroms.1

  When the civil administration took over part of the occupied territory in July and August of 1941, the mobile killing units had already completed a large part of the ghettoization process. Einsatzgruppe A

  prided itself that, upon transfer of jurisdiction, it had already made

  preparations for the incarceration in ghettos of all Jewish communities

  7. RSHA IV-A-I. Operational Report USSR No. 43 (47 copies). August 5, 1941,

  NO-2949. RSHA Summary Report No. 3 (80 copies), covering August 15-31, 1941, NO-

  2653. Report by Sonderkommando 11a for August 18-31, 1941, NO-2066. Report by

  Sonderkommando lia for August 22-Seplember 10, 1941, NOKW-636. RSHA IV-A-I,

  Operational Report USSR No. 63 (48 copies), August 25, 1941, NO-4538. Ohlendorf via

  Gmeiner to 11th Army Ic/AO, September 8, 1941, NOKW-3234. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 107 (50 copies), October 8, 1941, NO-3139. The Organisation Todt, first headed by Fritz Todt and then by Albert Speer, was engaged in construction

  projects.

  8. RSHA IV-A-1. Operational Report No. 19 (32 copies), July 11, 1941, NO-2934.

  Stahlecker Report to October 15, 1941, L-180. A Jewish survivor, who was secretary of

  the Jewish Council during the ghetto days, fixed the date of the meeting as July 7, 1941.

  Statement by Avraham Tory (formerly Golub), July 6-8,1982, in warrant by Amtsgericht

  Frankfurt am Main for the arrest of Helmut Rauca, July 16,1982,50/4 Js 284/71, through

  the courtesy of the Canadian Department of Justice. See also Tory's diary and notes;

  draft of ordinance by Lithuanian commandant of Kaunas (as of the end of June, Colonel

  Bobelis) and Lithuanian mayor of the city (Paliiauskas). July 10, 1941, for the establishment of the Kaunas ghetto by August 15, 1941, including marking, movement restrictions, and provisions for liquidation of Jewish real estate, from Soviet archives through the courtesy of the U.S. Department of Justice; Jewish committee to German Security

  Police, July 10, 1941, pleading for postponement of ghettoization order to enable Jews to

  negotiate with Lithuanian offices for amelioration. Yad Vashem document 0-48/12-4; and

  proclamation of ghetto, July 31, 1941, by Gebietskommissar Kauen-Stadt (Cramer),

  affirming Lithuanian mayor's decree of July 10,1941, Amtsblalt des Generalkommtssars

  in Kauen, November I, 1941, p. 2. For the extensive role of the Kaunas Lithuanian

  municipality in ghettoization, see documents in Yad Vashem file 0-48/12-4 and in Soviet

  archives.

  344

  THE INTERMEDIARY STAGE

  (excepting only Vilna).’ However, the systematic concentration of the

  Jews was the task of the military and civilian authorities, which exercised

  overall

  governmental

  functions

  in

  the

  occupied

  territories.

  To

  understand what happened during the intermediary stage and the second sweep, which was to follow, we therefore need a rough outline of that administration.

  Newly occupied areas were always placed under a military government. Secured areas were held by Befehlshaber (that is, a Wehrmachtbefehlshaber, Militärbefehlshaber,

  or

  Befelshaber

  of

  a

  specified

  region). Moving toward the front, a traveler would pass through the

  army group rear area, army rear area, and corps area. In occupied

  Russia the territorial organization of the army was extensive in its

  dimensions (see Table 7-9 and Map 4).

  On the map the “military area” refers to the territory of the three

  army groups (including army group rear areas, army rear areas, and

  corps

  areas).

  The

  secured

  territory,

  under

  the

  two

  Wehrmachtbefehlshaber,

  corresponded

&nbs
p; roughly

  to

  the

  areas

  marked

  “Ost-

  land” and “Ukraine." These two areas were colonies governed by a

  colonial

  minister:

  Reichsminister

  für

  die

  besetzten

  Ostgebiete

  (Reich

  Minister

  for

  the

  Eastern

  Occupied

  Territories)

  Alfred

  Rosenberg,

  whose office was in Berlin. His two colonial governors were called

  Reichskommissare; they had their headquarters in the east (Riga and

  Rovno). The domain of the Reichskommisar was the Reichskommissariat

  (the

  Reichskommissariat

  Ostland

  and

  the

  Reichskommissariat

  Ukraine).

  Each

  Reichskommissariat

  was divided

  into

  general districts

  (Generalbezirke),

  and

  each

  Generalbezirk

  was

  divided

  into

  regions

  (Kreisgebiete).

  The

  chief

  of

  the

  Generalbezirk

  was

  a

  Generalkommissar; the chief of a Kreisgebiet was a Gebietskommissar.'" Below is an abbreviated list showing the most important offices in the ministry, the

  two Reichskommissariate, and the Generalbezirke.

  Ministry for Eastern Occupied Territories (Berlin)"

  Reichsminister, Dr. Alfred Rosenberg

  Staatssekretär, Gauleiter Alfred Meyer

  Chief, Political Division, Reischsamtsleiter Dr. Georg Leibbrandt

  Deputy Chief, Political Division, Generalkonsul Dr. Bräutigam

  Expert in Jewish Affairs, Amtsgerichtsrat Dr. Wetzel 9 10 11

  9. RSHA IV-A-I, Operational Report USSR No. 94 (48 copies), September 25,

  1941. NO-3146.

  10. In White Russia there was a level between Generalbezirk and Kreisgebiet: the

  Hauptgebiet, which was governed by a Hauptkommlssar. Major cities were governed by

  a Stadtkommissax. The Stadtkommissar was not subordinate but equal in rank to a

  Gebietskommissar.

  11. Memorandum by Rosenberg, April 29, 1941, PS-1024.

  345

  I

  T A B L E 7-9

  THE TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY IN THE OCCUPIED USSR

  Commanding

  Army Group

  4

  Corps

  Authority

  ChefOKW

  Commander

  Comm

  Commander

  |

  1

  Territorial

  Army Group Rear Area

  Army Rear Area

  Commander

  Wehrmachtbefehlshaber

  Commander

  Commander

  (Ostland and Ukraine)

  (North, Center, South)

  (Kor jck)

  Lower Territorial

  (Secured areas under

  Sicherungsdivisionen

  Echelons

  civilian control: no

  (security divisions)

  military government

  2-3 per Army Group

  functions)

  Feldkommandanturen

  Feldkommajidanturen

  (district commands)

  Ortskommandanturen

  Ortskommandanturen

  (town commands)

  MAP 4

  ADMINISTRATION OF THE OCCUPIED USSR

  Intatnaftonal bound·«··

  347

  MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS

  Reichskommissariat Ostland”

  Reichskommissar, Gauleiter Hinrich Lohse

  Chief, Political Division, RegRat Dr. Trampedach

  Generalkommissar, Estonia, SA-OGruf. Litzmann

  Generalkommissar, Latvia, Oberbürgermeister (Mayor) Staatsrat Dr.

  Drechsler

  Generalkommissar, Lithuania, Reichsamtsleiter Dr. von Rentein

  Generalkommissar, White Russia, Gauleiter Wilhelm Kube (succeeded

  by SS-Gruf. von Gottberg)

  Reichskommissariat Ukraine11

  Reichskommissar, Gauleiter Erich Koch

  Chief, Political Division, Regierungspräsident Dargel

  Generalkommissar, Volhynia-Podolia, SA-OGruf. Schöne

  Generalkommissar, Zhitomir, Regierungspräsident Klemm

  Generalkommissar, Nikolaev, Oppermann (OGruf. in NSKK-Party

  Motor Corps)

  Generalkommissar, Kiev, Gauamtsleiter Magunia (official in DAF-

  German Labor Front)

  Generalkommissar, Dnepropetrovsk, Selzner (DAF)

  Generalkommissar, Crimea-Tauria, Gauleiter Frauenfeld

  As a brief glance at the list will indicate, most of the high officials in

  the Rosenberg apparatus were party men." The machinery as a whole

  was

  rather

  small.

  In

  the

  Ukraine,

  for

  example,

  the

  entourage

  of

  Reichskommissar Koch, composed of 800 Germans at its height, was

  fixed in 1942 at 252.15 16 At the same time, the office force of a Generalkommissar consisted of about 100 Germans, while the personnel of a Gebietskommissar numbered no more than about a half-dozen German

  bureaucra12 13 ts.14 In other words, the occupied territories were run by a

  handful of party men, not very efficiently but all the more ruthlessly.

  12. Lammers to Rosenberg, July 18. 19*1, NG-1325. Deutsche Zeitung im Ostland

  (passim). For a list of Gebietskommissare in Ostland as of February l, 19*2, see T 459,

  roll 24.

  13. Deutsche Ukraine Zeitung (passim). The Generalbezirke Dnepropetrovsk and

  Crimea-Tauria (both east of the Dnieper river) were added in August, 1942. The Crimean

  Generalbezirk (seat, Melitopol) never included the Crimean peninsula, which remained

  under military control. For a list of Gebietskommissare as of March 13, 1942, see ORPO

  compilation (signed by Winkelmann) of that date, NO-2546.

  14. Originally, it was intended that the leadership of the Eastern Occupied Territories the Ostfuhrerkorps, as it was called—should have the following composition: party men. 35 percent; SS, SA, and party organizations. 20 percent; agricultural and

  industrial experts and others, 45 percent. See report by Dr. Hans-Joachim Kausch (journalist) June 26, 1943, Occ E 4-11.

  15. Koch to Rosenberg, March 16, 1943, PS-192.

  16. Report by Kausch, June 26, 1943, Occ E 4-11.

  348

  THE INTERMEDIARY STAGE

  Before we leave the administration of the occupied USSR, a word

  is

  due

  about

  the

  territories

  west

  of

  the

  two

  Reichskommissariate.

  There were three such areas: the Bialystok district, Galicia, and the

  Romanian

  territories.

  The

  Bialstok

  area

  became

  a

  quasi-incorporated

  district of the Reich. It was placed under the administration of Gauleiter Koch, the Reichskommissar of the Ukraine—not in his capacity as Reichskommissar but as an adjunct to his position as Gauleiter and

  Oberprasident of the neighboring Gau and province of East Prussia.'7

  Southeastern Pol
and (Galicia) became the fifth district of the General-

  gouvernement." Northern Bukovina and Bessarabia reverted to Romanian rule, whereas the area between the Dniester and the Bug became a new Romanian territory, “Transnistria.”1’

  In anticipation of a second sweep, the primary task of both military

  and civil administrations was the establishment of ghettos. In its very

  nature, the ghetto was to prevent the dispersal of the victims and to

  facilitate their future seizure for shootings. Reichskommissar Lohse of

  the Ostland explained the purpose of the ghetto in ponderous but explicit language. His basic ghettoization order states: These provisional directives are designed only to assure minimum

  measures by the Generalkommissare and Gebietskommissare in those

  areas where—and so long as—further measures in the sense of the final

  solution of the Jewish question are not possible.”

  Thus the function of these ghettos, unlike those established in the

  Generalgouvemement during the preceding year and a half, was to be

  neither open-ended nor ambiguous. The goal was in sight from the

  start.

  From the summer of 1941, the military issued an avalanche of

  orders providing for marking (in the form of either armbands or patches

  worn in front and back), registration, Judenrate, ghettos, and ghetto

  police.71 Interestingly enough, the army did not always regard the crea- 17 18 19 20 21

  17. Decree (signed by Hitler, Keitel, and Lammers), July 17, 1941, NG-1280.

  18. Dr. Max Freiherr von du Prel, Das Generalgouvemement (WUrzburg, 1942),

  p. 363.

  19. Agreement of Tighina. signed by Generals Hauffe and TStartnu. August 30.

  1941, PS-3319. The Romanian governor was Gheorge Alexianu. Romanian currency was

  not introduced into the territory and, under the terms of the agreement, its railway

  system was placed under German control.

  20. Wetzel to Foreign Office, May 16, 1942, enclosing Lohse directive of August 19,

  1941, Generalkommissare NG-4815.

  21. Order by Commander of Army Group Rear Area South (von Roques) (33

  copies), July 21, 1941, NOKW-1601. Order by von Roques, August 28, 1941, NOKW-

  1586. Order by Commander of Army Group Rear Area North/VII (signed by Oberslleut-

  nant Muller-Teusler) (about 65 copies), September 3, 1941, NOKW-2204. Order by 454th

  Security Division/Ia, September 8, 1941, NOKW-2628. Ortskommandantur in Dzankoy

  (signed Hauptmann Weigand) to Commander of Area 553 (1 Ith Army), November 10,

  349

  MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS

  tion of ghettos as a task of great urgency. They were not to take precedence over genuinely military matters.”

  By 1942 the military regulations were standardized and codified.

  Instructions issued by the Oberquartiermeister of Army Group Center

 

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