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  period; in part, they were a prelude to the struggle that was to follow,

  for the implication was clear that whoever owned the Jewish property

  also owned the Jews. There was a long list of “claimants" to the Jewish 67 68 69 70 71 72 73

  67. See detailed breakdown by labor administration of Gebietskommissar, August

  18, 1943, T459, roll 23. The number of employed Jews at that time was about 11,000.

  68. Dr. Abshagen (Institut fur medizinische Zoologie) to Generalkommissar. October 24, 1942, T 459, roll 19. The experiment involved typhus.

  69. Report by Soviet Extraordinary State Commission (signed by Burdentko,

  Nikolai, TVainin, and Lysenko), undated. USSR-41.

  70. Affidavit by Alfred Winter (survivor), October 15, 1947, NO-5448.

  71. Decree (signed Kube) of June I, 1942 , Amtsbiatt des Generalkommissars fur

  Weissrulhenien, 1942, p. 105. According to official rate of exchange, one ruble was equal

  to 0.10 reichsmark.

  72. Decree (signed Kube) of August 18. 1942, Amisblall des Generalkommissars in

  Minsk, 1942, p. 166.

  73. The term estate (Nachlass) was freely used in correspondence. See, for example, Generalkommissar in White Russia to ReichskommissarAhisteeship (Special Repre360

  THE INTERMEDIARY STAGE

  One of the first collectors of Jewish property was invariably a

  killing unit.7' As a rule, the mobile killing units generously handed out

  furniture and clothes to the native population, particularly to the ethnic

  Germans in the area.74 75

  A second claimant—of a very de facto character—was the civilian

  population, which helped itself to the abandoned Jewish apartments,

  often taking possession

  of them.'6 Following the Riga massacre of

  November

  30,

  thousands

  of

  packed

  suitcases

  were

  left

  unguarded

  where they had been collected and stacked. Many were subsequently

  found to have been forced open, their contents removed.77

  Other claimants were administrative officials of the military and

  the Kommissariate who needed offices, office furniture, and a variety

  of other things. In Riga such requests came from the German railways,78 from local branches of corporations, such as a truck repair facility of Daimler-Benz, which sought to establish its eligibility to

  receive ghetto property by asserting that its personnel were attendants

  of the Wehrmacht (Gefolge der Wehrmacht) within the meaning of

  sentative for Seizure of Jewish Property in the Ostland) Bruns, March 4,1942, T 459, roll

  3. Secrecy of records dealing with Jewish gold and silver in the Ostland was abandoned

  altogether. Notation by Kunska (Generalkommissar in LatviaArusteeship), June 27,

  1942, on copy of directive from Reichskommissar's Trusteeship Office. April 30, 1942, T

  459, roll 21.

  74. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 21 (32 copies), July 13, 1941,

  NO-2937. RSHA 1V-A-I, Operational Report USSR No. 125 (50 copies), October 26,

  1941, NO-3403. RSHA IV-A-I. Operational Report USSR No. 156, January 16, 1942,

  NO-3405.

  75. RSHA1V-A-I, Operational Report USSR No. 103 (48 copies), October 4,1941,

  NO-4489. In Zhitomir, Einsatzgruppe C handed 50,000 to 60,000 pounds of clothes and

  utensils to a representative of the NSV (National Socialist People's Welfare). RSHA IV-

  A-l, Operational Report USSR No. 106 (48 copies), October 7, 1941, NO-3140. Einsatzgruppe D delivered its loot to Reich finance offices—much to the chagrin of the 1 Ith Army, which wanted the stuff for its own purposes. Ohlendorf to 11th Army. February

  12, 1942, NOKW-631. In October, 1942, the Higher SS and Police Leader Center,

  Obergruppenführer von dem Bach, sent 10,000 pairs of children's socks and 2,000 pairs

  of children's gloves to Himmler's Personal Staff for distribution to SS families. OStuf.

  Meine (Personal Staff) to Gruf. Hofmann (Chief, RuSHA). October 28, 1942. NO-2558.

  The Higher SS and Police Leader North, Jeckeln, presided over a huge warehouse in

  Riga. He spent hours sorting jewelry on his desk. Affidavit by Richard Dannler (SS

  mailman), September 19, 1947, NO-5124.

  76. Report by 454th Security Division Ic, December 4, 1941, NOKW-2926. Also,

  report of looting in Kharkov: RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 164 (65

  copies), February 4, 1942, NO-3399.

  77. Neuendorff to Reichskommissar/II-h (Finance). December 4, 1941, T 459,

  roll 21.

  78. Haupteisenbahndirektion Nord to Reichskommissar, April 26, 1942, T 459, roll

  361

  MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS

  Article 13 of the Hague Land Warfare Regulations7’, and from individuals, including a Latvian policeman who had taken part in a “Jewish transport”

  ( Judentransport),*

  an

  official

  interpreter

  who

  wanted

  a

  piano

  for

  his

  talented

  ten-year-old

  daughter,”

  and

  a

  sculptor

  who

  wished to remove stones of granite and marble from the Jewish cemetery as a public service.“ On the front line the troops “requisitioned”

  things, although looting was prohibited.“ What was left was subject to

  systematic confiscation by the economy inspectorates in the military

  areas and by the finance offices in the Reichskommissariate. The disposal of the Jewish property, like the requisition of Jewish labor, was consequently

  handled

  on

  a

  first-come-first-grab

  basis.

  Very

  few

  changes could be made in this scheme.

  In the military area the Wirtschaftsstab Ost, armed with authority

  from the OKH, attempted to curb the looting by Einsatzgruppen and

  army units.“ It was an uphill fight,“ and the spoils were hardly worth it.

  In one report the Economy Inspectorate Center explained that by German standards the Jewish clothes and underwear could be classified only as “rags” {Lumpen).* On July 4, 1942, the Economy Inspectorate

  79. Daimler-Benz Corporation (Mercedes) to ReichskommissarAlVusteeship (Dr.

  Köster), January 7, 1942, T 459, roll 2.

  80. Nikolai Radzinsch (Radzins) to Reichskommissar, January 26, 1942, T 459,

  roll 2.

  81. Wilhelm Strauss to Generalkommissar/Finance, October 9, 1942, T 459, roll 2.

  82. Rudolf Feldberg. Riga, to Security Police in Riga (passed on to Trusteeship

  Office, attention Bruns), July 16, 1942, T 459, roll 2. The graveyards in Jelgava (Latvia)

  and Tallinn (Estonia), he explained, had already been leveled. The Finance Office of the

  Reichskommissar took a dim view of the sale of Jewish gravestones at inappropriately

  low prices. Alletag to Generalkommissare in Riga, Kaunas, Tallinn, and Minsk, October

  2, 1942, T 459, roll 3. Alletag dealt with Jewish property in the Finance Office. The

  director of the office was Vialon.

  83. Order by Commander, Rear Army Group Area South (signed von Roques),

  September I, 1941, NOKW-2594. Ortskommandantur Nikolaev to Commander, Rear

  Army Area 553 (llth Army). September 25, 1941, NOKW-1729.

  84. Order by Wirtschaftsstab Ost/FOhrung la, October 22, 1941, Wi/ID 0.82. The

  OKH order, investing the Wirtschaffsstab Ost
with sole authority to conduct

  confiscations in the military area, was dated October 2,1941.

  85. Economy Inspectorate Center (signed Kapitän zur See Kotthaus), to

  Wirtschaftsstab Ost, November 6, 1941, Wi/ID 2.124. Report by Economy Inspectorate

  Center (signed Generalleutnant Weigand), November 22, 1941, Wi/ID 2.124. Report by

  Economy Inspectorate Center (signed Generalleutnant Weigand), December 22, 1941,

  Wi/ID 2.124. Report by Economy Inspectorate Center (signed Generalleutnant

  Weigand), April 4, 1942, Wi/ID 2.33. War diary. Economy Command in Klimovichi

  (signed Hauptmann Weckwerth) to Economy Inspectorate Center, December 31, 1941,

  Wi/ID 2.90.

  86. Economy Inspectorate Center/Main Group Economy to Wirtschaftsstab Ost,

  July I, 1942, Wi/ID2.347.

  362

  THE INTERMEDIARY STAGE

  reported that in the entire area of Army Group Center it had collected

  property amounting to 2,046,860 rubles (204,686 reichsmark, or about

  80,000

  dollars). A part of that property had been “relinquished" in

  favor of the suffering Russian communities in the area.*’

  The

  civilian

  administration

  approached

  the

  confiscation

  problem

  with stubbornness in the Ostland and with remarkable laxity in the

  Ukraine. Reichskommissar Lohse of the Ostland made a determined

  attempt to stop confiscations by the mobile killing units, collect all

  articles

  not

  essential

  for

  subsistence

  living

  (notdürftige

  persönliche

  Lebensführung) from the Jews, and lay claim to Jewish property in

  possession of the civilian population. To establish his exclusive competence, Lohse declared in secret directive and public decree that he, as Reichskommissar,

  had

  sole

  jurisdiction

  in

  Jewish

  property

  matters.“

  But declarations are one thing, action another.

  On September 8, 1941, the Gebietskommissar of Siauliai, Lithuania

  (Gewecke), complained to Lohse that he simply could not carry out a

  systematic

  seizure

  of

  Jewish

  property.

  A

  certain

  Hauptmann

  Stasys

  Senulis had appeared in his office that very day and had demanded in

  the

  name

  of

  Standartenführer

  Jäger

  (Einsatzkommando

  3)

  that

  the

  local mayors hand over all the gold and silver that had been in Jewish

  possession.“ On September 24, 1941, a file note in the office of the

  Generalkommissar in Kaunas recorded the fact that the SS had removed from Lithuanian banks 3,769,180 rubles in Jewish deposits and valuables.“ On September 25, 1941, Lohse wrote to the Higher SS and

  Police

  Leader

  personally

  (Priitzmann),

  pointing

  out

  that

  confiscations

  were in the exclusive province of the Reichskommissar. “I do not

  permit any sideswipes at Jewish property and expect to take all necessary

  measures

  to

  persuade

  your

  police

  officers

  to

  cease

  all

  self-

  empowered

  action.”

  But

  there

  was

  very

  little

  he

  could

  do.

  On

  November 15, 1941, Rosenberg and Himmler had a four-hour discussion. Among the subjects aired were, in Himmler’s words, the “fussiness of

  Reichskommissar

  Lohse”

  and

  the “ludicrous

  complaints

  of

  Generalkommissar Kube" about the “requisition of necessary items for 87 88 89 90 91

  87. Economy Inspectorate Center (signed Generalleutnant Weigand) to

  Wirtschaftsstab Ost, July 4, 1942, Wi/1D 2.70.

  88. Temporary directive (signed Lohse). August 18,194], NG-4815. Decree (signed

  Lohse), October 13, 1941, Verkündungsblatt des Reichskommissars fur das Oslland,

  1941, p. 27.

  89. Gewecke to Lohse, September 8, 1941, PS-3661.

  90. Memorandum by Generalkommissar in Kaunas/Main Division 1I-F, September

  24, 1941, Occ E 3-24.

  91. Lohse to Higher SS and Police Leader Ostland personally, September 25, 1941,

  Occ E 3-25.

  363

  MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS

  the SS and Police” ("Kleinlichkeit des Reichskommissars Lohse" und

  “lächerliche

  Beschwerden"

  des

  Generalkommissars

  Kube

  über

  “Sicherstellung des notwendigen Bedarfs für SS und Polizei”).”

  The civil war between the SS and the Lohse administration continued for many months.” At last, on October 13, 1942, the Jewish expert

  of

  the

  Ostland's

  Security

  Police,

  Obersturmführer

  Regierungsrat

  Jagusch,

  conceded

  to

  the

  civil

  authorities

  jurisdiction

  in

  property disposals, but asserted on the basis of a Führer directive (a

  text of which had never been transmitted to the Reichskommissar) that

  the SS possessed the primary power
  all Jewish matters.”

  Even in Lohse's own apparatus there were a number of conflicts.

  Initially he had placed confiscatory powers into the hands of his

  Generalkommissare,

  instructing

  them

  to

  collect

  immediately

  all

  money,

  bankbooks,

  promissory

  notes,

  and

  valuables.”

  In

  December

  1941 the administration of tangible Jewish property was concentrated

  in the hands of the Reichskommissar's Main Division ILLTrusteeship

  (Dr. Köster). This transfer was accompanied in Riga by the forcible

  eviction of a local official by Dr. Köster personally.” Meanwhile, the

  chief of finance in the Latvian Generalkommissariat, Dr. Neuendorff,

  was still struggling with the recovery of taxes owed by Jews who had

  just been killed. A collection of the taxes themselves, he concluded,

  was

  not

  possible

  for

  reasons

  already

  known

  (aus

  den

  bekannten

  Gründen nicht möglich), but he thought that from the proceeds of the

  sale of Jewish assets, some portion might be allocated for the discharge

  of tax obligations.” By July 1942, responsibility for the personal portable

  possessions

  of

  Jews

  was

  moved

  from

/>   the

  Reichskommissar’s

  Thisteeship Office to the Finance Office of his Main Division II." That 92 93 94 95 96 97 98

  92. Memorandum by Himmler, November 15, 1941, NO-5329.

  93. Reichskommissar Ostland/II-c to ReichskommissariTfusteeship Office on quarrel in Vilna, early February 1942. T 459, roll 3. Memorandum in Reichskommissar's thisteeship Office (signature illegible), March 19, 1942, complaining that objects—

  ostensibly of gold—delivered by SS in Riga were not genuine, T 459, roll 2.

  94. Summary of conference, prepared on October 15, 1942, by Ministerialrat Bur-

  meister of Reichskommissar's Office, T 459, roll 3.

  95. Lohse directive, August 18,1941, NG-4815. The Generalkommissare deputized

  the Gebietskommissare to seize Jewish belongings. See registration of property order by

  Gebietskommissar of city of Vilna (Hingst), September 1, 1941, T 459, roll 3.

  96. Report by Friedrich Brasch (deputized by Gebietskommissar Wittrock to administer the Riga ghetto) to Wittrock, December 18, 1941, and Wittrock via Generalkommissar to Reichskommissar, December 19, 1941, T 459, roll 21.

  97. Neuendorff to Generalkommissar/Thisteeship (Kunska), June 4, 1942, T 459,

  roll 21.

  98. Vialon to Main Division II/Heaith. May 15. 1943, T 459, roll 24.

  364

  THE INTERMEDIARY STAGE

  office,

  under

  Regierungsdirektor

  Vialon,

  patiently

  issued

  directive

  after directive to deal with every conceivable claim.5’

  Now the only remaining problem was the recovery of loot in the

  possession of the population. This was not much easier than taking

  things away from Himmler. A decree issued by Lohse on October 13,

  1941, provided that whoever was holding Jewish property at the moment was to continue to “administer" it. Only extraordinary transactions required the permission of the Reichskommissar.99 100 A year later, Lohse

  ordered

  the

  registration

  of

  the

  property.101

  Many

  practical

  difficulties

  developed

  in

  consequence

  of

  the

  registration

  order.

  On

  November 16, 1942, an article entitled "Better One Registration Too

  Many [Besser eine Anmeldung zu vief]" appeared in the German newspaper published in Riga. The politely worded press release pointed out that many Jewish belongings had been distributed by various agencies

  "at the time” (seiner Zeil) without receipt. On the other hand, many

  people

  had

  already

  reported

  these

  possessions

  at

  various

 

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