Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXIV

  And Belisarius wrote a letter to the emperor of the following purport: “We have arrived in Italy, as thou didst command, and we have made ourselves masters of much territory in it and have taken possession of Rome also, after driving out the barbarians who were here, whose leader, Leuderis, I have recently sent to you. But since we have stationed a great number of soldiers both in Sicily and in Italy to guard the strongholds which we have proved able to capture, our army has in consequence been reduced to only five thousand men. But the enemy have come against us, gathered together to the number of one hundred and fifty thousand. And first of all, when we went out to spy upon their forces along the Tiber River and were compelled, contrary to our intention, to engage with them, we lacked only a little of being buried under a multitude of spears. And after this, when the barbarians attacked the wall with their whole army and assaulted the fortifications at every point with sundry engines of war, they came within a little of capturing both us and the city at the first onset, and they would have succeeded had not some chance snatched us from ruin. For achievements which transcend the nature of things may not properly and fittingly be ascribed to man’s valour, but to a stronger power. Now all that has been achieved by us hitherto, whether it has been due to some kind fortune or to valour, is for the best; but as to our prospects from now on, I could wish better things for thy cause. However, I shall never hide from you anything that it is my duty to say and yours to do, knowing that while human affairs follow whatever course may be in accordance with God’s will, yet those who are in charge of any enterprise always win praise or blame according to their own deeds. Therefore let both arms and soldiers be sent to us in such numbers that from now on we may engage with the enemy in this war with an equality of strength. For one ought not to trust everything to fortune, since fortune, on its part, is not given to following the same course forever. But do thou, O Emperor, take this thought to heart, that if at this time the barbarians win the victory over us, we shall be cast out of Italy which is thine and shall lose the army in addition, and besides all this we shall have to bear the shame, however great it may be, that attaches to our conduct. For I refrain from saying that we should also be regarded as having ruined the Romans, men who have held their safety more lightly than their loyalty to thy kingdom. Consequently, if this should happen, the result for us will be that the successes we have won thus far will in the end prove to have been but a prelude to calamities. For if it had so happened that we had been repulsed from Rome and Campania and, at a much earlier time, from Sicily, we should only be feeling the sting of the lightest of all misfortunes, that of having found ourselves unable to grow wealthy on the possessions of others. And again, this too is worthy of consideration by you, that it has never been possible even for many times ten thousand men to guard Rome for any considerable length of time, since the city embraces a large territory, and, because it is not on the sea, is shut off from all supplies. And although at the present time the Romans are well disposed toward us, yet when their troubles are prolonged, they will probably not hesitate to choose the course which is better for their own interests. For when men have entered into friendship with others on the spur of the moment, it is not while they are in evil fortune, but while they prosper, that they are accustomed to keep faith with them. Furthermore, the Romans will be compelled by hunger to do many things they would prefer not to do. Now as for me, I know I am bound even to die for thy kingdom, and for this reason no man will ever be able to remove me from this city while I live; but I beg thee to consider what kind of a fame such an end of Belisarius would bring thee.”

  Such was the letter written by Belisarius. And the emperor, greatly distressed, began in haste to gather an army and ships, and sent orders to the troops of Valerian and Martinus to proceed with all speed. For they had been sent, as it happened, with another army at about the winter solstice, with instructions to sail to Italy. But they had sailed as far as Greece, and since they were unable to force their way any farther, they were passing the winter in the land of Aetolia and Acarnania. And the Emperor Justinian sent word of all this to Belisarius, and thus filled him and all the Romans with still greater courage and confirmed their zeal.

  At this time it so happened that the following event took place in Naples. There was in the market-place a picture of Theoderic, the ruler of the Goths, made by means of sundry stones which were exceedingly small and tinted with nearly every colour. At one time during the life of Theoderic it had come to pass that the head of this picture fell apart, the stones as they had been set having become disarranged without having been touched by anyone, and by a coincidence Theoderic finished his life forthwith. And eight years later the stones which formed the body of the picture fell apart suddenly, and Atalaric, the grandson of Theoderic, immediately died. And after the passage of a short time, the stones about the groin fell to the ground, and Amalasuntha, the child of Theoderic, passed from the world. Now these things had already happened as described. But when the Goths began the siege of Rome, as chance would have it, the portion of the picture from the thighs to the tips of the feet fell into ruin, and thus the whole picture disappeared from the wall. And the Romans, divining the meaning of the incident, maintained that the emperor’s army would be victorious in the war, thinking that the feet of Theoderic were nothing else than the Gothic people whom he ruled, and, in consequence, they became still more hopeful.

  In Rome, moreover, some of the patricians brought out the Sibylline oracles, declaring that the danger which had come to the city would continue only up till the month of July. For it was fated that at that time someone should be appointed king over the Romans, and thenceforth Rome should have no longer any Getic peril to fear; for they say that the Goths are of the Getic race. And the oracle was as follows: “In the fifth (Quintilis) month . . . under . . . as king nothing Getic longer. . . .” And they declared that the “fifth month” was July, some because the siege began on the first day of March, from which July is the fifth month, others because March was considered the first month until the reign of Numa, the full year before that time containing ten months and our July for this reason having its name Quintilis. But after all, none of these predictions came true. For neither was a king appointed over the Romans at that time, nor was the siege destined to be broken up until a year later, and Rome was again to come into similar perils in the reign of Totila, ruler of the Goths, as will be told by me in the subsequent narrative. For it seems to me that the oracle does not indicate this present attack of the barbarians, but some other attack which has either happened already or will come at some later time. Indeed, in my opinion, it is impossible for a mortal man to discover the meaning of the Sibyl’s oracles before the actual event. The reason for this I shall now set forth, having read all the oracles in question. The Sibyl does not invariably mention events in their order, much less construct a well-arranged narrative, but after uttering some verse or other concerning the troubles in Libya she leaps straightway to the land of Persia, thence proceeds to mention the Romans, and then transfers the narrative to the Assyrians. And again, while uttering prophecies about the Romans, she foretells the misfortunes of the Britons. For this reason it is impossible for any man soever to comprehend the oracles of the Sibyl before the event, and it is only time itself, after the event has already come to pass and the words can be tested by experience, that can shew itself an accurate interpreter of her sayings. But as for these things, let each one reason as he desires. But I shall return to the point from which I have strayed.

  Ἐπειδὴ Γότθοι ἀπεκρούσθησαν τειχομαχοῦντες, ηὐλίσαντο τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην οὕτως ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη ἑκάτεροι. [2] τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ Βελισάριος πάντας Ῥωμαίους ἐκέλευε παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἐς Νεάπολιν ὑπεκκομίζειν, καὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν ὅσους μὴ ἀναγκαίους σφίσιν ἐς τοῦ τείχο�
�ς τὴν φυλακὴν ἔσεσθαι ᾤοντο, ὅπως δὴ μὴ ἐς ἀπορίαν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων καθιστῶνται. [3] ταὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο ποιεῖν καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπήγγελλεν, εἴ τινι οἰκέτης ἢ θεράπαινα ἦν. οὐ γὰρ ἔτι οἷός τε εἶναι τὰς σιτήσεις αὐτοῖς ἔφασκεν ἐν πολιορκίᾳ κατὰ τὰ εἰωθότα παρέχεσθαι, ἀλλ̓ αὐτοὺς τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἐν αὐτοῖς φέρεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις ἐπάναγκες εἶναι, τὸ δὲ λειπόμενον ἐν ἀργυρίῳ. [4] οἱ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν. καὶ πλῆθος πολὺ αὐτίκα ἐς Καμπανίαν ᾔει. ἐκομίζοντο δὲ οἱ μὲν πλοίων ἐπιτυχόντες ἅπερ ἐν τῷ Ῥώμης λιμένι ὡρμίζετο, οἱ δὲ καὶ πεζῇ ὁδῷ τῇ καλουμένῃ Ἀππίᾳ ἰόντες. [5] κίνδυνός τε οὐδεὶς ἢ δέος ἐκ τῶν πολιορκούντων ἐγίνετο οὔτε τοῖς ταύτῃ βαδίζουσιν οὔτε τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ λιμένος ἰοῦσιν. [6] οἱ γὰρ πολέμιοι οὔτε Ῥώμην ξύμπασαν τοῖς χαρακώμασι περιβαλέσθαι διὰ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως οἷοί τε ἦσαν οὔτε κατ̓ ὀλίγους ἐτόλμων μακρὰν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῶν στρατοπέδων, φοβούμενοι τὰς ἐπεκδρομὰς τῶν ἐναντίων. [7] καὶ δἰ αὐτὸ τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἐπὶ χρόνον τινὰ πολλὴ ἐξουσία ἐγίνετο τῆς τε πόλεως ἀπανίστασθαι καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἔξωθεν ἐς αὐτὴν ἐσκομίζεσθαι. [8] μάλιστα δὲ νύκτωρ οἱ βάρβαροι ἐς δέος τε ἀεὶ μέγα καθίσταντο καὶ φυλακὰς ποιούμενοι ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις ἡσύχαζον. [9] ἐπεὶ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἄλλοι τε καὶ Μαυρούσιοι συχνοὶ ἐξιόντες, ὅπη τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ καθεύδοντας ἢ ὁδῷ ἰόντας κατ̓ ὀλίγους εὑρήσειαν ῾οἷα πολλὰ ἐν στρατῷ μεγάλῳ γίνεσθαι εἴωθεν, ἄλλων τε ἀναγκαίων χρειῶν ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ βόσκειν ἵππους τε καὶ ἡμιόνους καὶ ζῷα ὅσα ἐς βρῶσιν ἐπιτήδεια ἦν̓ ἔκτεινόν τε καὶ κατὰ τάχος ἐσκυλευκότες, πλειόνων σφίσιν, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, πολεμίων ἐπεισπεσόντων ὑπεχώρουν δρόμῳ, ἄνδρες φύσει τε ποδώκεις καὶ κούφως ἐσκευασμένοι καὶ τῇ φυγῇ προλαμβάνοντες. [10] οὕτω μὲν ἐκ Ῥώμης ὑποχωρεῖν ὁ πολὺς ὅμιλος ἴσχυον, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ Καμπανίας, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ Σικελίας ᾔεσαν, οἱ δὲ ὅπη ῥᾷόν τε σφίσιν ἐνομίσθη καὶ βέλτιον εἶναι. [11] Βελισάριος δὲ ὁρῶν τόν τε τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀριθμὸν ἥκιστα ἐς τὴν τοῦ τείχους περίοδον ἐξικνούμενον, ὀλίγοι τε γὰρ ἦσαν, ὥσπερ μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, καὶ οὐκ ἀεὶ φυλάσσειν οἱ αὐτοὶ ἄϋπνοι ἴσχυον, ἀλλ̓ οἱ μὲν ὕπνον, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ᾑροῦντο, οἱ δὲ ἐς τὴν φυλακὴν ἐτετάχατο, καὶ τοῦ δήμου τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος πενίᾳ τε πιεζομένους καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων σπανίζοντας, ἅτε γὰρ βαναύσοις ἀνθρώποις ἐφήμερά τε ἅπαντα ἔχουσι καὶ ἀργεῖν διὰ τὴν πολιορκίαν ἠναγκασμένοις πόρος οὐδεὶς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐγίνετο, στρατιώτας τε καὶ ἰδιώτας ξυνέμιξε καὶ φυλακτηρίῳ ἑκάστῳ ἔνειμε, ῥητόν τινα μισθὸν ἰδιώτῃ ἀνδρὶ τάξας ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην. [12] ὧν δὴ ἐγίνοντο μὲν ξυμμορίαι ἐς τὴν φυλακὴν ἱκανῶς ἔχουσαι, νύκτα δὲ τακτὴν ἡ φυλακὴ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐπέκειτο ξυμμορίᾳ ἑκάστῃ, ἐφύλασσόν τε αὐτῶν ἐκ περιτροπῆς ἅπαντες. καὶ ταύτῃ Βελισάριος ἑκατέρων τὴν ἀπορίαν διέλυεν. [13] Ὑποψίας δὲ ἐς Σιλβέριον τὸν τῆς πόλεως ἀρχιερέα γεγενημένης, ὡς δὴ προδοσίαν ἐς Γότθους πράσσοι, αὐτὸν μὲν ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἔπεμψεν αὐτίκα, ἕτερον δὲ ἀρχιερέα ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον, Βιγίλιον ὄνομα, κατεστήσατο. [14] τινὰς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐκ βουλῆς ἐπ̓ αἰτίᾳ τῇ αὐτῇ ἐνθένδε ἐξελάσας, ἐπειδὴ τὴν πολιορκίαν οἱ πολέμιοι διαλύσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν, ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα κατήγαγεν αὖθις. [15] ἐν τοῖς καὶ Μάξιμος ἦν, οὗ δὴ ὁ προπάτωρ Μάξιμος τὸ ἐς Βαλεντινιανὸν βασιλέα πάθος εἴργαστο. δείσας δὲ μή τις πρὸς φυλάκων τῶν κατὰ πύλας ἐπιβουλὴ γένηται, καί τις ἔξωθεν χρήμασί τε αὐτοὺς κακουργήσων ἴοι, δὶς ἑκάστου μηνὸς τάς τε κλεῖς ἁπάσας ἀφανίζων ἀνενεοῦτο ἀεὶ ἐς ἕτερον σχῆμα, καὶ τοὺς φύλακας ἐς φυλακτήριον ἄλλο μακράν που ἄποθεν τοῦ προτέρου ἀντικαθίστη, τοῖς τε ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ φυλακὴν ἔχουσιν ἐς νύκτα ἑκάστην ἑτέρους ἐφίστη. [16] οἶς δὴ ἐπέκειτο μέτρον τι τοῦ τείχους περιιοῦσιν ἐκ περιτροπῆς ἀναγράφεσθαι τὰ τῶν φυλάκων ὀνόματα, καὶ ἤν τις ἐνθένδε ἀπολειφθείη, ἕτερον μὲν ἀντ̓ αὐτοῦ καταστήσασθαι ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα, ἀναφέρειν δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐφ̓ ἑαυτόν, ὅστις ποτὲ ὁ ἀπολειφθεὶς εἴη, ὅπως δὴ κόλασις ἡ προσήκουσα ἐς αὐτὸν γίνοιτο. [17] καὶ μουσικοῖς μὲν ὀργάνοις χρήσασθαι τοὺς τεχνίτας ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ νύκτωρ ἐκέλευε, τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν τινας καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῶν Μαυρουσίων ἔξω ἔπεμπεν, οἳ ἀμφὶ τὴν τάφρον διανυκτερεύσειν ἀεὶ ἔμελλον, καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς κύνας ἠφίει, ὅπως δὴ μηδὲ ἄποθέν τις ἐπὶ τὸν περίβολον ἰὼν διαλάθοι. [18] Τότε καὶ τοῦ Ἰάνου νεὼ τὰς θύρας τῶν τινες Ῥωμαίων βιασάμενοι ἀνακλῖναι λάθρα ἐπειράσαντο. [19] ὁ δὲ Ἴανος οὗτος πρῶτος μὲν ἦν τῶν ἀρχαίων θεῶν οὓς δὴ Ῥωμαῖοι γλώσσῃ τῇ σφετέρᾳ Πένατες ἐκάλουν. ἔχει δὲ τὸν νεὼν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ πρὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου ὀλίγον ὑπερβάντι τὰ Τρία Φᾶτα: [20] οὕτω γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς Μοίρας νενομίκασι καλεῖν. ὅ τε νεὼς ἅπας χαλκοῦς ἐν τῷ τετραγώνῳ σχήματι ἕστηκε, τοσοῦτος μέντοι, ὅσον τὸ ἄγαλμα τοῦ Ἰάνου σκέπειν. [21] ἔστι δὲ χαλκοῦν οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πηχῶν πέντε τὸ ἄγαλμα τοῦτο, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα ἐμφερὲς ἀνθρώπῳ, διπρόσωπον δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔχον, καὶ τοῖν προσώποιν θάτερον μὲν πρὸ
ς ἀνίσχοντα, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον πρὸς δύοντα ἥλιον τέτραπται. [22] θύραι τε χαλκαῖ ἐφ̓ ἑκατέρῳ προσώπῳ εἰσίν, ἃς δὴ ἐν μὲν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τὸ παλαιὸν Ῥωμαῖοι ἐνόμιζον, πολέμου δὲ σφίσιν ὄντος ἀνέῳγον. [23] ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ Χριστιανῶν δόγμα, εἴπερ τινὲς ἄλλοι, Ῥωμαῖοι ἐτίμησαν, ταύτας δὴ τὰς θύρας οὐκέτι οὐδὲ πολεμοῦντες ἀνέκλινον. [24] ἀλλ̓ ἐν ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τινὲς τὴν παλαιάν, οἶμαι, δόξαν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες ἐγκεχειρήκασι μὲν αὐτὰς ἀνοιγνύναι λάθρα, οὐ μέντοι παντάπασιν ἴσχυσαν, πλήν γε δὴ ὅσον μὴ ἐς ἀλλήλας, ὥσπερ τὸ πρότερον, [25] μεμυκέναι τὰς θύρας. καὶ ἔλαθόν γε οἱ τοῦτο δρᾶν ἐγκεχειρηκότες: ζήτησις δὲ τοῦ ἔργου οὐδεμία ἅτε ἐν μεγάλῳ θορύβῳ ἐγεγόνει, ἐπεὶ οὔτε τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐγνώσθη, οὔτε ἐς τὸ πλῆθος, ὅτι μὴ ἐς ὀλίγους κομιδῆ, ἦλθεν.

  XXV

  When the Goths had been repulsed in the fight at the wall, each army bivouacked that night in the manner already described. But on the following day Belisarius commanded all the Romans to remove their women and children to Naples, and also such of their domestics as they thought would not be needed by them for the guarding of the wall, his purpose being, naturally, to forestall a scarcity of provisions. And he issued orders to the soldiers to do the same thing, in case anyone had a male or female attendant. For, he went on to say, he was no longer able while besieged to provide them with food to the customary amount, but they would have to accept one half their daily ration in actual supplies, taking the remainder in silver. So they proceeded to carry out his instructions. And immediately a great throng set out for Campania. Now some, who had the good fortune to secure such boats as were lying at anchor in the harbour of Rome, secured passage, but the rest went on foot by the road which is called the Appian Way. And no danger or fear, as far as the besiegers were concerned, arose to disturb either those who travelled this way on foot or those who set out from the harbour. For, on the one hand, the enemy were unable to surround the whole of Rome with their camps on account of the great size of the city, and, on the other, they did not dare to be found far from the camps in small companies, fearing the sallies of their opponents. And on this account abundant opportunity was afforded for some time to the besieged both to move out of the city and to bring provisions into it from outside. And especially at night the barbarians were always in great fear, and so they merely posted guards and remained quietly in their camps. For parties were continually issuing from the city, and especially Moors in great numbers, and whenever they found their enemies either asleep or walking about in small companies (as is accustomed to happen often in a large army, the men going out not only to attend to the needs of nature, but also to pasture horses and mules and such animals as are suitable for food), they would kill them and speedily strip them, and if perchance a larger number of the enemy should fall upon them, they would retire on the run, being men swift of foot by nature and lightly equipped, and always distancing their pursuers in the flight. Consequently, the great majority were able to withdraw from Rome, and some went to Campania, some to Sicily, and others wherever they thought it was easier or better to go. But Belisarius saw that the number of soldiers at his command was by no means sufficient for the whole circuit of the wall, for they were few, as I have previously stated, and the same men could not keep guard constantly without sleeping, but some would naturally be taking their sleep while others were stationed on guard. At the same time he saw that the greatest part of the populace were hard pressed by poverty and in want of the necessities of life; for since they were men who worked with their hands, and all they had was what they got from day to day, and since they had been compelled to be idle on account of the siege, they had no means of procuring provisions. For these reasons Belisarius mingled soldiers and citizens together and distributed them to each post, appointing a certain fixed wage for an unenlisted man for each day. In this way companies were made up which were sufficient for the guarding of the wall, and the duty of keeping guard on the fortifications during a stated night was assigned to each company, and the members of the companies all took turns in standing guard. In this manner, then, Belisarius did away with the distress of both soldiers and citizens.